The Changing Relationship Between State- Chaebol in 1970s and 1990s in South Korea.

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Introduction There is no doubt that that the strong-state policy in South Korea played a significant role of economic growth. According to Kwang (1994), he finds that from 1962 to 1990, South Korea enjoyed 9% of GDP growth annually. The GNP per capita has increased in six times, from US $520 to US$3494 in 1985. (P.531). Under the Park reform from 1962 to 1970, Chaebol have played an important role in the reform. With the Park government practiced a series of policy to benefit to Chaebol. They growth steadily and became the major role in the South Korea economy. In Koo and Kim research (1992), the average annual rate of asset growth of Chaebol has growth nearly 20%. In Hyundai, they have 32.1 % economic growth among 10 years. Also, Kwang (1996), states that, “ the Daewoo group which began in 1967 with $18,000 and seven employees, had by 1979 expanded into a $2 billion conglomerate with an employee force of over 60,000.” (p.311). In addition, the top ten Chaebols dominate the sales in GNP. It raised from 15.1% in 1974 to 68.8% in 1987. So, it obvious sees that the strong state policy is success for economic growth. The success of growth of chaebol in 1962- 1979 due to the Park implements the favor policy to Chaebols. Therefore, the relationship between chaebol and state is good at that period. They played a tight relationship together. The relationship between Chaebol and government changed in 1980s and 1990s. This is because of the democratization in 1980s, the Chaebols growth the power in the state greatly, also with the pressure of international. The government proposed the strict rule to Chaebol. However, the restricted Chaebols policies are not successful and made the relationship between state and chaebol worst. The consequence of this is that in 1992, Hyundai’s Chong Chu-Yong forms a political party to against the state-government. The other Chaebol are

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