Although people may have insular views and territorials, there is also a Caribbean view of society and its peoples. To analyse the Caribbean society, on must first consider the individual and combined culture of the region; the geography, history, biology,
This difficulty in accepting the concept of a single Caribbean identity emerges from the geographical, historical and social disparity of the Caribbean region. Geographically, the term Caribbean is defined as all the islands washed by the Caribbean sea, all the islands located between 60◦W to 90◦ W and 5◦N to 25◦N , and the region located southeast of the Gulf of Mexico and North America, east of Central America, and to the north of South America. With all the definitions stated, one is yet to fully cover all the countries considered Caribbean. They either exclude countries recognized as Caribbean or include countries that do not identify with the Caribbean region. Countries like Bahamas, Guyana and Barbados among others are neither washed by the Caribbean Sea nor located within the coordinates but are considered Caribbean.
“The prerogative power and parliamentary privilege cannot be justified. They are but the result of historical accident and should be comprehensively reformed by statute.” Both prerogative power and parliamentary privilege are seen to be natural products of the history of the UK’s constitution. Prerogative powers or the royal prerogative are defined by A.V. Dicey as “…the remaining portion of the Crown's original authority, and is in other words, the remaining residue of discretionary power left in the hands of the Crown, whether such power is to be exercised by the Queen personally or by her Ministers’. Although some of these prerogative powers are still eligible to use by the UK’s monarch and ministers, and freely exercised when necessary, there is an increasing call to codify these powers into statues for better scrutiny, clarity and accountability.
The idea of Caribbean food has sometimes been advanced as a unifying feature of life, and although this regional definition has sometimes been located within a broader idea of “creole food” or “creole taste”, individual islands and states have clung to – even created – notions of difference and uniqueness. Jamaican food is one such variety. Jamaican food means at least three different things: food commonly consumed by Jamaican people - the major items of the diet, foods that are uniquely associated with the island, and foods which have been attributed a defining role in the creation of national identity. Even though the three meanings may
Creole is generally used to refer to a language which is the result of contact between the languages of a colonising people and the languages of a colonised people. A language that has evolved in a contact situation to become the native language of a generation of speakers. Patois (patwa) – is generally used to refer to a (any) geographical language which differs from the standard language of a country. Like non-standard, rural dialects it lacks prestige. In the Caribbean, the term is generally used to refer to English-lexicon Creoles.
Second, a state can accept some limitations on external (or Westphalian) sovereignty without giving up all sovereignty. The different types of sovereignty do not necessarily go together. Members of the European Union, for example, have lost some interdependence and Westphalian sovereignty, but they retain domestic and international legal sovereignty. Third, even the most powerful states accept some limitations on their external sovereignty (as the US does by submitting to WTO dispute settlement). Thus ‘unbundling sovereignty’ is not only for troubled societies – it is a reality for all states.
Pan-Asianism and Euro-American Colonialism By: ---- For: Professor Lam HIS483H5S March 2011 Despite certain similarities, there are broad variations in the conceptual framework of colonialism, both formally and structurally. Two of the primary modes of colonialist thought were the pan-Asian model espoused by Imperial Japan and the traditional European hegemonic model. While both these ideologies encompassed the common element of paternalism through socio-political domination of indigenous societies, the Japanese and Euro-American versions were motivated by distinct underlying ideological factors and included discernable differences in public administration, economic distribution, and cultural autonomy. Thus, it will be argued that both models were ideologically based on hierarchical ethnic constructs, yet the Japanese case was shaped largely through fear of European imperialism while the Euro-American cases were more grounded in the necessity of enhanced market access. In terms of practical comparisons, both models incorporated the need for resource and labour extraction, yet the Japanese model featured capital and human investments for mutual economic gain, whereas the Euro-American model was a relatively one-sided exchange of commodities for the sole benefit of the metropole, and the Japanese model was predicated on the assimilation of Japanese cultural norms in colonial environments, whereas the Euro-American model tended to avoid direct infringement on local tribal customs so long as military and political authority went unchallenged.
Latin American states have traditionally allocated a more significant position to diplomatic asylum than that existing in other regions of the world. However, even in this area, the existence of a rule of customary law allowing for shelter on mission premises, has been doubted.66 Jeffery for instance expressed the view that opinion juris as a required element of customary law is missing, and bases this view on the ICJ judgment in the Asylum Case. There are three most relevant agreements on diplomatic asylum in Latin and Central America. First, the Havana Convention on Political Asylum (1928) pro-claims that States have to respect the asylum granted to political offenders in diplomatic missions to the extent it is allowed, as a right or through
In West Indian Context, Professor Fiadjoe stated that the rule of law can be taken to mean “The exercise of state power according to law and the subjugation of state power to the Constitution.” In essence for us in the Commonwealth Caribbean, the existence of written supreme constitutions has resulted in the interpretation and application of the concept in a broader way and in some instances to include new principles not contemplated in the Dicey view. Such include access to Justice because if individuals do not have access, the rule of law would be threatened, Protection of fundamental rights, limitations on discretion and also fairness in legal procedures and the exercise of power. Also, accountability of those who are vested with powers of decision making, thus ensuring that even the humblest among us is protected by the law. All of this constitutes the rule of law. This is shown in the case Hochoy v Nuge (1964), Hochoy the Governor General of Trinidad and Tobago appointed a commission of enquiry.
The Arab nation is a good example of a nation with many states. They are one nation with one language, sharing the same culture, religion, and history, yet; they are many independent and separate states. A state refers to a legal political entity that is comprised of a permanent population, a defined territory, a government and the capacity to enter into relations with other states. It has its own laws, army, borders, language, and religion or religions. However, there’s always some mutualism in this community.