How accurate is it to suggest that the Treaty of Versailles was mainly responsible for the political and economic instability in Germany in the years 1919-23? (30marks) Firstly, I will be analysing in detail the various sources the instability underlying the Weimar Republic between 1919 and 1923 and evaluate their overall significance. I will come to a judgement about the significance of the Versailles Treaty and inform views of prominent historians. There are several events and happenings that were responsible of the political and economic instability in Germany in 1991-23 such as collapse, revolution, political extremes of left and right such as Spartacists, Kapp putsch and Munich beer hall, the Armistice, inflationary and setting up the Weimar republic. Firstly, I agree with the view that it is accurate to suggest that the Treaty of Versailles was mainly responsible for the political and economic instability in Germany in the years 1919-23 because of the treaty itself .
-Stresemann altered the policies with the introduction of Dawes plan and the young plan. - Germany was able to meet its reparation payments and the French left the area of Ruhr in 1924. The failures can be seen through the flaws in the constitution, political parties, economic failures the lack of support towards the republic. •The new parliament met in February 1919 and drew up a constitution that established Germany as a democracy. •It was a constitution that would preserve German democracy, liberties and rights of the people.
1) ‘ The views of J.M. Keynes were the most important factor in explaining Britain’s treatment of Germany in the years following the Treaty of Versailles until 1929.’ Explain why you agree or disagree with this view. (24 marks) John Maynard Keynes, an economist and financial representative for the Treasury during the Treaty of Versailles of 1929, held bold and influential views about the treatment of Germany. The question is, how powerful were these views in affecting the actions and policies of the British government towards Germany in the years which followed? When Keynes rejected the scale of reparations placed on Germany and resigned from his post at the Treasury, he lead the way for what many leading politicians were to understand later on.
This monograph by Mary C. McComb on how college youth and experts negotiate their class identity as "middle class" during the economic crises of the Great Depression enters this conceptual quagmire, but although she occasionally comes close to tripping a fuse, she emerges with some illuminating pathways. McComb has crafted a tidy research monograph with well chosen cases in order to focus on the formation of a class-based discourse on middle-class identity in a decade when the economic basis of class privilege was undermined by weakened depression-era prospects. Close readings of student newspapers at five colleges and Universities contrast the views of relatively privileged Amherst College men with those of their female peers at Mount Holyoke. She then sets these perspectives against those of less elite collegiate youth at two additional private institutions, but in these cases coeducational schools in urban settings (Washington, DC) with distinctly different racial student bodies-the white George Washington University and the black Howard University. Finally, McComb fills out her research with the case of students from a land grant public university, the University of Michigan, where she was completing the dissertation on which this book was based.
However despite this, these conservative elites had both positive and negative impacts on German politics. Conservative parties included DNVP (German National People’s Party), DVP (German Conservative Party) and the Nazi Party, and the conservative elites included the judiciary, the army, the education system, the bureaucracy, industry, the police and agriculture. Conservative elites had a major impact on German politics in the period 1918-1934. The establishment of a Democracy was at best tolerated by conservative elites of Germany who had always blamed the democracy for the loss of war and the Treaty of Versailles in what became known as the “stab in the back” legend. Despite this, the German army established a reluctant acceptance of the democracy through the Ebert-Groener Pact of 1919.
Behnam Nemati Professor Nappo English 101 13 March 2012 The age of revolutions In 18th century, enlightenment philosophers such as Voltaire, Rousseau and Montesquieu, began to revolutionize the way of thinking in European world. The enlightenment was a movement in 18th century that questioned authority, religion and social hierarchy; enlightenment advocated reason, liberty and equality, and controlling one’s own destiny. The American and French revolutions were motivated by Enlightenment ideas; however, they were remarkably different in terms of subjective causes, types of leaders, progression, and outcomes. Seven year’s war was undoubtedly the matrix of the French and American Revolution; a war that was started by George Washington, killing French military officer, in New France territory. It soon became a global war, and after seven years, the British defeated the French.
History of Psychology Derya Salazar- Bisswurm PSY/310 November 4th, 2013 Ann Bechler- Ingwalson History of Psychology The history of modern psychology is going back to early influential philosophers such as Descartes, Locke, Hume, and Mill, whose main focus was on British Empiricism and Associationism. Each of these philosophers contributed significant theories and ideas that had a considerable impact on the development of modern psychology. Leibniz and Kant were two German philosophers who also had a noteworthy influence on modern psychology although their ideas contrasted those of the Empiricists and Associationists. Throughout the 19th century there were many scientific innovations that led to the development of the science
The articles, “30 Little Turtles”, by Thomas L. Friedman, “New Threat to Skilled U.S. Workers”, by Froma Harrop, and "Labor Day Blues", by Mike lane, give three radically different views on the subject of the outsourcing of American jobs as a result of globalization. The three authors have . It’s tempting to assume that the truth must be somewhere in the middle; that a balanced analysis of the two views would regard each as being an extreme, thus giving credence to both as legitimate. However, in answering the question “What should be our attitude about outsourcing?”, I don’t think that we should balance truth against fantasy. Friedman sets out in his essay to convince us that the outsourcing of call center jobs is a love-and-light experience for Indian workers.
It is not easy for her because just like her, the students in her class all have their own life experiences and situations that they have had to overcome and still they are sitting in class trying to move on. She makes it her mission to help them and maybe help them finds way to overcome the scars that they have. Castellanos explains, “ I teach in a totally non-traditional way. I use every trick in the books: lots of positive reinforcement, both oral and written; lots of one-on-one conferences. I network women with each other, refer them to professor friends who can help them; connect them to graduate students and/or former students who are already pursuing careers” (pg 348).
Ramey speaks on the behalf of social security and keeping it around but she brings in some different ways of solving this problem. Ramey is a Professor of Economics at The University of California, San Diego. She wrote a piece, “Saving Social Security”, in the summer of 2005 discussing plausible options to the Social Security issue. Referring to this issue as the “third rail of politics”, she expected this issue to raise a lot of questions and arguments. She stated that Social Security has been a “pay-as-you-go” system.