It is therefore threatening the cultural identities of many countries because this one culture is being largely promoted due to the dominance of the western media and media imperialism. However Curran argues the concentration of media ownership has been about for ages. In the 1930s half the UK media was owned by just 4 corporations. It is therefore not a new thing and so it’s not necessarily the concentration of the media that is threatening cultural identities as they would have been threatened a long time ago if this was the case. Marxists argue against Curran’s view and state that it must be the media imperialism that is threatening cultural identities; with new media and globalisation, media companies have immense power and so can and are threatening on a larger scale.
American Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century Imperialism was a highly controversial subject in the Nineteenth century. Many people opposed the fact while others wanted to hit it full force. Imperialism is the acquisition of control over the government and the economy of another nation, usually by conquest [ (Davidson, 2008) ]. The United State became an imperialistic world power in the late nineteenth century by gaining control over the Hawaiian Islands and, after the Spanish American War, Guam, the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico [ (Davidson, 2008) ]. With America wanting to be a power house country, they became just that when they gained control over these countries.
Schlesinger points out that many came to view the unifying American melting pot phenomenon as an Anglocentric conspiracy to undermine and devalue other ethnicities. Although there was one glaring failure of American democracy; the racist exclusion of blacks from the promise of the American creed. Mr. Schlesinger goes on to enumerate the events which took place over the past half century which, from the springboard of the new creed of cultural pluralism, have brought America to what he sees as a dangerous era of multiculturalism with the potential to rend the nation . He begins with the culmination of World War II and its effect of confronting Americans with their own bigotry in light of the Germans' racially motivated atrocities toward the Jews. Soon thereafter came the collapse of white colonialism.
An American Empire The ancient, rather generic definition of imperialism has evolved since its introduction by the Persians, Athenians, Macedonians, and Romans. Specifically, imperialism’s evolution may be seen through United States’ foreign policy from the expansionist policies of the Spanish-American War to the current ideological and economic motives behind the War on Terror. Imperialistic intentions may be connected to over a century of war engagements. It is the motives behind these intentions that are in essence responsible for sparking the evolution into a new imperialism. As the political reality of the world changes through history, American foreign policy must respond to these changes in order gain power, maintain power,
Since that time, historians and scholars have tended to either regard Long and Coughlin as instigators of an irrational and anti-democratic uprising or as leaders and advocates of a great, forward moving social transformation. Brinkley contests both of these views quite persuasively. He maintains that Long and Coughlin had the ability to make clear the feelings of the American public that sought a means to defend the autonomy of the individual and to beat off the violations of the modern industrial state. The followers of Long and Coughlin, according to Brinkley, did not long for an economic collective, but rather for a return to a society where the individual had control over his own life and the power in society resided in institutions that were both visible and accessible from a local level. However, neither one of these leaders ever offered the American public logical plans for obtaining these goals.
In the 1960s, a new assessment of McKinley emerged, however. Revisionist historians, suspicious of politicians generally and critical of American imperialism, began to portray McKinley as a cunning and manipulative leader bent on expanding American influence in the
The last quarter of the nineteenth centruy is known as the age of imperialism, when rival European empires carved up large parts of the world among themselves. (pg 655)For most of this period the United States remained a second-rate player on the world stage. (655) The 1890's marked a major turning point in America's relationship with the rest of the world. (656) Ever since the Monroe Doctorine, many Americans considered the Western Hemisphere to be an American sphere of influence. There was persistent talk of aquiring Cuba and President grant sought to annex the Dominican Republic only to see the Senate reject the idea.
Essay#1 – Revolutionary war There were many reasons for the American Revolution. Two of them were the economic and political changes that the colonies were going through. Only the southern colonies were bound to England by the tobacco trade and the New England and Middle Colonies, unable to find markets in Britain. The cause of the revolutionary war was definitely economic. The British throne, trying to pay off it's war debts and for the cost of protecting the colonists from local Native Americans, decided to impose taxes on the American colonists.
In America, a land once referred to as a “Melting Pot,” globalization has been lauded as an important value. However, many of the various people groups that immigrated to America began to lose their cultural identity for the sake of globalization. Over the course of a few generations, this caused America to move towards the “Salad Bowl” theory of globalization. The end
Puri (2010:136) asserts that, historically, the US reached this final stage first, followed by some European nations and Japan in the 1950’s. However, some criticism has been levelled against Rostow’s stages of economic growth. According to Willey (2007) the model is based on American norms of high consumption as integral to economic development process of all industrialized societies which are characterized by neo-liberal trade policies. The model is also argued not to apply to Asian and African countries as events in these countries are not justified at any stage of the model. More so according to Sender and Smith