Despite starting on opposite sides of the political spectrum, the proposed statement that President Herbert Hoover was a conservative and President Franklin D Roosevelt was a liberal is largely accurate; evident in their policies toward dealing with the Great Depression. Herbert Hoover won the presidential election in 1928, right before the beginning of the Great Depression. Contrary to the conservative policies Hoover enforced during his presidency; Hoover’s campaign was largely focused on his more liberal ideologies, such as avoiding a laissez faire economic system and regulating business (Doc A). Hoover’s initial liberal agenda appealed to the public and helped him win in 1928. However, when the stock market crashed in 1929, President Hoover was faced with the challenges of helping the United States recover from a severe economic depression.
Use your own knowledge to assess how far the Sources support the interpretation that the reforms of 1868-74 were designed to satisfy interest groups which supported the Liberal Party. From 1868 to 1874 Gladstone introduced a number of reforms, some of which are considered to have been designed to satisfy interest groups which supported the Liberal Party and therefore maintain their votes. Sources A, B and D largely support this interpretation, whereas Sources C and E oppose it. Source A supports the statement by commenting on the reasons for the Disestablishment of the Irish Church in 1869; the writer, Matthew Arnold, implies that the Act was only introduced to satisfy the Non-Conformists as he states that the Disestablishment of the Irish Church was not for ‘the power of reason and justice but by the power of the Non-conformists hatred of Church establishments.’ This source is supported by the fact that Non-conformists made up 50 percent of the population, therefore it would have been one of Gladstone’s main motives for the act as it would have increased his support base dramatically. The source portrays that the Irish Church Disestablishment Act was not beneficial for the Irish, however the Act discontinued the payment of tithe, taxes which were paid to the Church, to services they did not use; this benefited the Irish as it meant money could be used on more favourable things, such as schools and hospitals.
Analyse the view that the Labour and Conservative parties are dominated by their respective leaders. In recent years there has been much debate as to whether party leaders have too much power over their parties. Many do believe that the two main party leaders in the UK do not dominate their parties as the structure of their party does not allow them to do so, but many more believe that party leaders have great authority over their parties and are fully committed to driving their parties policy with little delegation or use of their cabinet ministers. Historically the Conservative Party leader has been more powerful than the Labour Party leader. People believe this is down to the party’s history; the Labour Party originated from the trade union movement at the turn of the 20th century and originally had a chairman of the Labour MPs in the House of Commons, but no leader.
It could be argued that both conservative and labour parties between 1951 - 1970 had some similar domestic policies mainly due to the post war consensus. Set up in 1945 by the Attlee government, the consensus meant welfare for the public and nationalisation of businesses which were evidently carried on by the two parties between 1951 - 1970 with the welfare state still existing today. However it could be argued that domestic policies mainly differed. For example economically, Conservative leader, Macmillan focused on funding housing whilst Labour leader, Wilson focused on funding science and technology. Politically, the Conservatives learned to accept the welfare state which adapted from the 1942 Beveridge report.
the Conservatives. However the relevance of this tradition right and left battle between Labour and the Conservatives has declined in recent years for many reason raising question about the similarity of the two parties and seeing as they are the biggest two parties in UK politics it reduces the choice of major parties to vote for, for the electorate. Traditionally, the left and right divide has been portrayed as a battle between Socialism and Conservatism. Socialism has been traditionally been viewed as the ideology of the Labour party and Conservatism has traditionally been seen as the ideology of the Conservative. These two parties have developed policies on the basis of a vision of how they believed society should be organised.
'There is little difference between New Labour and the modern Conservatives' Discuss. Over the past few decades many commentators have stated that they have seen political parties converge to the 'centre ground'. On this basis, it could be argued that there is little difference between New Labour and the modern Conservatives, because both political parties now appeal or at least attempt to appeal to all social backgrounds and social classes. On the other hand, it could be argued that there is a significant difference between New Labour and the modern Conservatives, because both political parties originated from two significantly different social backgrounds, ideas and have significantly different core roots. However, in order to assess the extent in which these two political parties are different or similar and the extent to which they have converged to a 'centre ground', we must analyse both political parties core roots and their traditional values, their ideologies and policies, party structure and the electorate both political parties appeal to.
The current government is a coalition and this is a governing body formed by multiple parties who must compromise on principles. The current parties in the coalition in the UK right now are labour and conservative and these both have different beliefs but they have to work together to make sure everything is running smoothly and sometimes this means they will have to agree to disagree on certain things. There is a big difference between both parties as labour don’t really look beyond the short term effects in something and will do something because it seems right at the time without looking at what damage it will have in the future, however conservative do look at the long term and because of this they are not as ‘laid back’ as the labour party as they don’t do things as freely as labour. However because of this, the labour seem to be more in touch with the average person, whereas because the conservative are mainly made up of private mp’s they don’t really have an idea about the average working class person. As the conservative now have a say in the policies, a lot more people now have to become
Both Disraeli’s second ministry and Gladstone’s government from 1868 to 1874 do share similarities, that they both had a relaxed ‘laissez-faire’ approach towards government’s intervention. Much of Disraeli’s legislation was adoptive, rather than compulsory. It facilitated change and improvement, rather than insisting on it. So this seems that his government was less motivated to actually improving the conditions of the working class in Britain. Whereas Gladstone’s ministry was more energetic.
As the war had just ended people were looking to a government who could relate with them and what the Labour government promised seemed to be ideal. The people saw Churchill as a great war time leader however he could not identify with what the everyday ordinary man needed plus, he had a hostility to socialism and around this time people were encouraging socialism. Both sources are election appeals and they both recognise Labours