The rise of the Labour party was a crucial factor for the drive of reform for the Liberal party. The new Labour Party promised social reform and the Liberals were worried about losing votes. Reform could therefore be seen as a rather selfish, political advantageous response to political change. Since 1884, most working class men had the vote and the Liberals wanted to attract those votes. So therefore it was for their own political advantage of the Liberal government to offer social reform, even if they did not fully believe in the principle of government intervention in people’s everyday lives.
However, source A suggests that’s the reasons Lloyd George introduced the budget was not for private, self-gratified reasons, but for the benefit of the majority of the British state. Lloyd Georges attempt to take on the labour party, by introducing the Reforms to draw the public’s support away from the newly formed, worker-supporting Labour party, and back to the grasp of the Liberal party, to maintain political dominance, was yet a further reason the reforms were introduced. However, this was not a direct attack on the
President Hoover was actually more liberal than many believed as he tried to provide some assistance but the problem was most assistance did not reach the people who needed it most. President FDR, however, was liberal because he did try to help Americans in need, but might have been conservative because he could have spent more money to help the Great Depression sooner. President Hoover was actually more liberal than many believed as he tried to provide some assistance but the problem was that it did not get to the people that needed it. In Document A, Hoover aspired to help America, but controlling could ruin liberalism for America. Hoover helped but to a certain point that was to protect America’s individual liberalism.
Whereas Gladstone’s ministry was more energetic. To compare both ministries we must look at the reforms and legislations they brought in during their reign. The main criticism of Disraeli’s reforms in terms of helping the state of the working classes is that although he introduced things like the
Of course, the ineptitude of the opposition was also key, many Liberals in particular had the opportunity to humiliate Disraeli but failed to do so, meaning his reputation was perhaps far more positive post-reform than it ought to have been. The Conservatives had been seen as a party that had previously shied away from reform, yet if this bill was passed, they would satisfy the naysayers like the Radicals and members of the Reform League, and increase their chances of being re-elected as the next government. Many of the policies Disraeli chose to include were signs that he was attempting to appeal to certain groups in order to win their vote. By granting the skilled working man the vote, they would be more likely to vote Conservative, which was crucial given the proportion of the electorate this group was. In addition, Disraeli ensured the inclusion of safeguards in an attempt to persuade other senior figures to support the bill or his party.
5. Despite his blustering during the Hepburn Act drive, he did not believe in changing the monetary or banking system. Woodrow Wilson strangely felt that he too was a progressive but his New Freedom platform often seemed at odds with that and often contradictory. 1. Rejected the notion the president was a dynamic, innovative, present force working on behalf of the American people.
Despite his ‘too relaxed and assured’ campaign Wilson was not to blame but instead it was a combination of ‘unfavourable trade figures’ and Enoch Powell that swung the vote. This idea of last minute trade figures playing major part of the election is supported in Source C and although Crossman tries to suggest that in fact the economy wasn’t a ‘very big toll’ against Labour I feel this is a smokescreen. Crossman was a minister in Wilson’s government and he is writing just after Labour’s defeat in 1970. He would have an agenda to defend his actions both personally and as a minister. He would look to shift the blame from Labour onto other factors like ‘Heath’s warnings’ and the ‘result of abstentions’.
The political orientation of the researchers was liberal, and the research method was the mapping of social inequalities in educational outcomes using quantitative techniques to measure social mobility. Such an approach was 'liberal' in that inequality was opposed but its source was not, unlike the Marxists, located in the social structure. Modern societies were seen as inherently progressive and it was only archaic elements, such as class, that inhibits progress. Modification of these difficulties would produce restructure. The difficulty with this approach, as it later became clear, was that the problems identified by liberal sociologists set many educators to work in opposition to working class cultural practices.
6. Which of the following best summarizes the reform movements of the Industrial Revolution? a) capitalism should not be checked by government intervention b) reform more possible in Russia than in the United States due to autocratic structure c) parliaments started passing laws that limited hours, child labor and worsened working conditions d) factory owners almost always made changes because they realized a happy, healthy, well-paid work force could be more productive e) the number of people with influence – aristocracy and middle class – increased pressuring the government to act on behalf of the workers 7. Which of the following was not a major global effect of the Industrial Revolution? a) countries with industrial technology had advanced military weapons b) Western European nations could not be defeated by Africans in battle c) the creation of a monoculture that damaged both the environment and the economy d) countries needed colonies to act as markets for finished goods e) Britain became dominant global nation of 19th century because they were first to industrialize 8.
The party designed and implemented its policies so that they would please and benefit the working class of Britain. Old Labour saw the working class people of Britain as the most needing of support and benefit, and those who would benefit the most from it. The Old Labour party were less interested in attracting and supporting middle class members of society, and as a result of this