The Effects of Misleading Questions on Eyewitness Memory in Children, Adults, and Gender

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The Effects of Misleading Questions on Eyewitness Memory in Children, Adults, and Gender Jamie Dagenhart North Carolina State University Introduction In eyewitness testimony, there are two primary aspects, namely memory for events and memory of people are measured (Loftus and Wells, 2003). Loftus and Wells (2003) utilize a metaphor that likens eyewitness memory to trace evidence. Research on memory for people has been done with respect to variables that affect identification accuracy and process governing lineup identification. Roebers and Schneider (2000) measured accuracy of cued recall and recognition for observed events in children and adults. Interviewers were used to test which age group showed heightened eyewitness memory after a series of interviews using suggestibility as a technique. Considering the high attempt to prosecute criminal acts in court where children provide an eyewitness testimony, there has been an increase in the number of research studies published in developmental and cognitive psychology (Roebers and Schneider, 2000). Goodman and Reed (1986) suggest that children provide a more detailed account of events with increasing age. Children are also more able to answer open-ended, non suggestive questions (Baker- Ward et al, 1993) and to resist suggestions (Cassel et al, 1996). However, recent increases in crimes against children, has raised concern about their ability to provide accurate eyewitness testimony (Goodman and Reed, 1986). On the contrary, three experiments indicated that ages, 7 to 9 and 10 to 12, have the ability to enhance the accuracy of their testimony by screening out wrong answers under free report conditions (Goldsmith, Koriat, Nakash-Dura, Schneider, 2001). Under these conditions of filtering out the wrong answers were the children able to increase their memory function. Since recall has been found to be more

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