The first group of documents shows the intellectual thought behind the creation of the revolutionary calendar and the reasons for its adoption. A report of grievances in 1789, shows how the though of the calendar came to be. The document asks for the number of religious holidays to be reduced and uses disadvantages of idleness as an excuse (Document 1). Gilbert Romme, head of the calendar reform committee, speaks of the cons of the Church calendar. In his speech before the National Convention, he claims the Church calendar to debase nations and persuades people that a new calendar is a must for every Frenchman.
The "Whig interpretation," as Butterfield calls it, sees history as a struggle between a progression of good libertarian parties and evil reactionary forces, failing to do justice to history's true complexity. The word Whig has its origins in the seventeenth century as a term of abuse against political opponents, and has become a convenient label for one historian to attach to another as a mark of scorn. In Butterfields work, he criticized historians who wrote present-minded history and, in so doing, fell with an echoing thud into traps, which superior historians must avoid. Through Butterfields five sweeping chapters, he makes three remarks that answer the question, why, despite the scolding of an entire discipline do modern historians seem to be drawn to anachronism, or as
Conclusion The main conclusion to be drawn for this paper is that the French Revolution was characterized mainly by war, famine and depression, which were caused by the failure of King Louis XVI at managing the finance of the notion properly. These factors finally led to unseat the French leader. To make matters worse, the inhabitants claimed the country for themselves in the name of liberty. In other words, the Revolution involved not only the reorganization of a country in relation to its government and society, but also a profound change in the course of history.
Clemenceau was the editor of Dreyfusard newspaper L’Aurore, which published the famous letter J’accuse, a turning point in the Affair. Clemenceau eventually rose to become Prime Minister of France. Jaures was editor of a popular Dreyfusard newspaper, La Petite Republique, and was a staunch supporter of Zola. Following the affair Jaures became leader of the French socialist party and was instrumental in the drafting of the 1905 Laws on the Separation of Church and
In the trial, he was attainted with derisive comments on his character, as they pointed to his treason. He was accused with intrigue with the hated French – that he would sell his country to the French to escape the rule of the English. He was accused with foolishly leaving the good standing and upbringing he was gifted with. To all of these comments, he took a stand against, turning angered interruptions against the court. He ended with these famous
This vow became known as the Oath of the Tennis Court. Louis XVI then allowed the three estates to join together as the National Assembly. But he began to gather troops to break up the Assembly. July 14 1789, a huge crowd of Parisians rushed to the Bastille believing they would find arms which they could use in defending themselves against the king's army. On August 4 1789, the Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.
Political agitation was fast gaining momentum. Parliaments and courts were replaced by revolutionary tribunals. Thomas Paine’s famous Rights of Man was reissued in Dublin in 1791. Paine passionately denounced aristocracy and religious discrimination while praising the French Revolution. Tone had already come to realise that the demand for parliamentary reform without the granting of civil liberties to Catholics was meaningless, and he was disgusted by the failure of the Volunteers to take up the cause of Catholic emancipation.
Henry’s speech is considered judicial. Throughout the body of the speech he is stating the wrongs, and the injustice bestowed from the King onto the colonies. ”Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrance’s have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne (Henry).” Here,
Pgs 15-17) Alphonse Bertillon, (born April 23, 1853, Paris—died Feb. 13, 1914, Münsterlingen, Switz.). He was the son of medical professor Louis Bertillon and the younger brother of the statistician and demographer Jacques Bertillon. He was a criminologist and anthropologist who created the first system of physical measurements, photography, and record-keeping that police could use to identify recidivist criminals. Bertillon began his career as a records clerk in the Parisian police department. His obsessive love of order led him to reject the unsystematic methods used to identify suspects and motivated him to develop his own method, which combined systematic measurement and photography.
Léon Walras (16 December 1834 - 5 January 1910) Biography Marie-Ésprit Léon Walras was born in Évreux, France (near Montreux, Switzerland) on December 16th, 1834. Walras was the son of the French proto-marginalist, economist and schoolteacher, Antonie-Auguste Walras, who encouraged his son to pursue economics with a particular emphasis on mathematics. Walras enrolled in the Paris School of Mine but grew tired of engineering. He spent most of his early life in Paris as a novelist and art critic (had quite a Bohemian youth). He also tried careers as a bank manager, journalist, romantic novelist and a clerk at a railway company, administrator of cooperative bank before turning to economics .In that scientific discipline Walras claimed to have found “pleasures and joys like those that religion provides to the faithful.” In 1858, one evening while the two were out walking, his father situated the postulate in Léon that to create a scientific theory of economics one would need to use differential calculus to derive a ‘science of economic forces, analogous to the science of astronomical forces’.