And to back up this statement, they quote Pierre Trudeau, “They should not look for their identity in the constitution but rather in their confidence in themselves, and in their rights as citizens equal to all other citizens of Canada.” The article then brings up a very interesting point, and I don’t think many Canadians know this. It says that even among the Quebecois people, the majority of them are against separation. It states that over the years there have been referendums, and polls taken, and more people in Quebec voted ‘no’ than ‘yes’ to
Durham dealt with the captured rebels sparingly and even pardoned most of them. Durham suggested that the Canada’s be united, and that they be given a responsible government. He also proposed that all of the British North America be united. Durham’s report was not welcomed in the Lower Canada. The French did not want to be assimilated by the English.
Multiculturalism is thus, based on a pre assumption of equality which is not necessarily real. This is because multiculturalism pretends to be a mechanism to equalize all cultures within Canada. In the real sense, this is not what it is. The Ontario’s government policy on multiculturalism known as Multiculturalism: A new strategy for Ontario is aware of the concerns presented by color and race. Therefore, the Government tries to tackle those issues within their policy.
The Soviets strived for communism, where everyone, at least in principle, had equal shares and no one was above another, while the United states wanted to spread their values of democracy to re-developing countries across the globe. Communism was seen as such a threat to the United States because they believed the Communist Party wanted to spread and take over the entire world and the U.S. insisted that they were a force that must be stopped. The Invasion of the Body Snatchers was a key film, made during this time period that reflected greatly on the themes of the Cold War. In the film the protagonist, Miles, is a once sane, intelligent doctor who has been strung out, by many strange events that indicate an alien invasion is happening into a hysterical man. It starts out with relatives and children accusing loved ones that they’re not really themselves, that they have no emotions.
Many of the things that he lists as problems to the nation are things that we love about our government today. First, he says that the separation of powers is no good since they are all federal entities, and that this gives no power to the states in
The Canadian Bill of Rights was not constitutionally entrenched and held no power over the War Measures Act. If a similar threat were to present itself today in Canada, and the Canadian government decided to enact the War Measures Act or suspended our rights, the Supreme Court would not interpret this as reasonable. Specifically to the FLQ crisis, if the Canadian government decided to arrest citizens based on suspicion of being apart of terrorism, as a citizen we have the Charter right, section 10 (a) and (c), which states “Everyone has the right on arrest or detention (a) to be informed promptly of the reasons therefor; (c) to have the validity of the detention determined by the way of habeas corpus and to be released if the detention is not lawful.₄” Although the government could use the Notwithstanding clause, section 33 (2) says that the provision much have the Charter referred to in the declaration₄. The Charter is constitutionally entrenched, and the Supreme Court today would not interpret these violations as reasonable. In conclusion, the measures that the Canadian government partook during the FLQ crisis were not justified, and were not reasonable.
Conversely, Philip L. Bryden argues against Martin, concluding that the charter is indeed democratic and Canadian. This essay agrees with Bryden’s argument that the Charter is not un-Canadian or antidemocratic, citing problems with Martin’s argument and making reasons as to why the Charter is such a fundamental part of Canadian Constitution. Robert Martin bases one part of his argument on the idea that the Charter is antidemocratic. He clarifies himself in his introduction, not faulting the Charter in and of its own for being antidemocratic, but instead claiming that the application of the Charter by humans is what is antidemocratic. Martin’s argument on how the Charter is antidemocratic has six main premises.
Comparing Canada’s and the United States’ government system, we can see just how different they are from each other. With Canada, they have a responsible government, where the executive functions at will of the legislative body. This type of government is the best way to maintain stability, because if the government wants to create a bill, it has to be passed by the House of Commons. However if that bill does not pass, then the Parliament would have a vote of non-confidence. If they get a majority in favour of non-confidence, then the prime minister must call an election.
According to various researchers, Canada seems to lack a national identity when placed on the international map with other countries such as the US and UK, of which, this paper strongly agrees. National identity is extremely significant since it is a distinctive factor of every nation (Hirsch, 2007). If a nation lacks an identity, then it is automatically vulnerable to losing everything else such as culture and religion within it. National identity can be one way of uniting an extremely large group of individuals who share common traditions or ways of life. From a person opinion, a country’s national identity is one of the only forms of groups, which almost everyone is theoretically capable of joining.
The Rape of Nanjing Many genocides are forgotten by most people. One of these genocides is Nanjing. Nanjing, also known as Nanking, was a brutal mass murdering of the Chinese by the Japanese that took place in the capital of china, Nanjing, during the 1930's. They took everything from the Chinese citizens such as their homes, money, and their most valuable items. They were deprives of everything they earned through hard work.