Richard Evans in “the Coming of the Third Reich” argues that WWI had sanctioned the use of violence for political gain, leading to the formation of paramilitary groups that further undermined the effectiveness of the democracy. However the TOV ultimately worsened the situation, having major economic, social and political effects on
. Was the Reichstag Fire more important than the Enabling Act in allowing Hitler to consolidate power? The activities of the SA were to make sure Nazi meetings were safe and undisturbed. Besides that, the SA is supposed to disrupt other political meetings and support Hitler and the Nazis. Finally, the SA’s activity is also to put fear on the street to get votes for the next elections.
Another example of the United States failing to civil liberties was that they would mistreat the German Americans. Attorney Generals would carry out raids on German Americans with little real evidence of wrong doing. They would do this To the German Americans just because they were at war with the Germans. This Impacted the United States because it mistreated people who had the right to be in the United States just because they were German Americans they would take their rights
Ernst Roehm had a different view of a successful Germany and Hitler was on different path (A3). Apparently Roehm and Hitler have butted heads before and Hitler came on top (A3). Hitler was growing very afraid of the Brownshirts, so he felt the only way to keep power was to put the S.A on leave. Hitler was thinking that another revolution could have happened with the S.A in power (D2). Hitler paid attention to what happened with Russia and was able to not make the same mistake.
Throughout the text Stephen Jay Gould quotes other sources, whether it be the Bible, or another human being, however he does so in a way to illuminate the faults of the person he is quoting. He tends to put others words in quotations to add a sarcastic connotation to their words. With words such as “eugenic,” “care,” “scientific,” and “imbeciles.” Naturally when read in context of Gould’s text, one can see where this sarcasm is meant, giving less credibility to those who use these words or phrases wholeheartedly. At one point Gould tells of eugenic sterilization being practiced in Nazi Germany. A reader with even slight knowledge of the Holocaust or of Nazi Germany, would understand that sciences practiced during the Holocaust on prisoners was inhumane and as a whole un-scientific.
In the first chapter of his book, The Landscape of History, John Lewis Gaddis says, “But consider the power of metaphor, on the one hand, and the particular combination of economy and intensity with which visual images can express metaphor, on the other,” (2). This is one of the more intricate quotes pulled from Gaddis, where he is basically saying that not only do metaphors represent stories that are used to describe history, but also that metaphors can be images that are being used to represent something much larger. For example, historians tell a story like what actually happened, and maps show features that are like the territory that it is representing. Another thing Gaddis states in chapter one is, “The best you can do, whether with a prince or a landscape or the past, is to represent reality: to smooth over the details, to look for larger patterns, to consider how you can use what you see for your own purposes,” (7). Which supports the point being made that history may only be represented by a story as land may only be represented by a map.
The study of international relations has long been dominated by materialist theories. While liberalists characterize the relations as interdependency of international actors and their constrained behaviors, realists explain and predict state behaviors with their desire to sustain survival, preserve security and acquire power. On top of the rationalist rainbow of international relation theories, the rise of constructivism brought a novel ray of colour: the role of idea and the intersubjective nature of relations. This essay attempts to investigate constructivism in two ways. In the first part of the essay, the concept will be evaluated in regards to its strengths and weaknesses.
This could have acted as a powerbase for the Kapp Putsch and the eventual rise of the Nazis. The humiliation was also a main factor in weakening prospects for democracy for two reasons it led to stab in the back myth and a national inferiority complex. The stab in the back myth was perpetuated by the far right and the leading army generals. The stab in the back myth was that Germany was not losing ww1 and that the democratic politicians “stabbed Germany in the back” by surrendering to the entente. This allowed the far right to exploit the Germans hate of the treaty of Versailles and connect the treaty to democracy, so the people wouldn’t blame the loss of ww1 on the army but the democratic politician’s.
It is those who decide to question authority that rise above the majority of people and proceed to greater things. 1984 was written closely after the Second World War and close to the beginning of the Cold War. Russia and Communism were slowly beginning to rise as
If the matters continue to be disregarded, the government would then face threats on their own accountability to the people and their right to rule. As mentioned earlier, this ironically may become a threat to the securitisation of human security issue as well. With regards to domestic pressure, if the human security threat raised is only faced by a minority group or a group with less power in the state yet it benefits the majority or a group with power — the state would then face the need to strike a balance between both